By Nnaoke Ufere, PhD*
Our nation is in deep crisis, suffocating under the weight of poverty, hunger, insecurity, economic mismanagement, and a total collapse of public trust in governance. These are not abstract problems; they are the daily reality for millions of Nigerians.
At this moment of unprecedented hardship, when bold leadership, fresh ideas, proven competence, and moral courage are desperately needed, the revelation that former President Goodluck Jonathan is positioning himself to return to power in 2027 is not merely misguided, it is dangerously irresponsible.
This is because, in my opinion and as supported by NEITI reports, the roots of today’s crisis can be traced directly to Jonathan’s tenure, particularly during the oil boom of 2011 to 2014, when unprecedented revenues were squandered through economic mismanagement, waste, and fraud.
That period of windfall earnings offered Nigeria a once-in-a-generation opportunity to transform its economy and strengthen its institutions. Instead, it became the breeding ground for the corruption and dysfunction now crippling the nation.
The abundance of petro-dollars during those years concealed the depth of Jonathan’s failures, fostering a false sense of stability. When oil prices fell and the tide receded, it became clear to Nigerians and to the world that the country had been swimming naked. From that point, everything began to unravel, and the collapse we now endure took root.
To bring him back now would be to deliberately return to the same patterns of mediocrity, entrenched corruption, and paralyzing indecision that set the stage for our present decline. It would be an act of collective amnesia at the very moment when the country most needs to learn from its past.
All attempts to reach Jonathan for comment were unsuccessful. Whether his 2027 bid is already in motion or merely a trial balloon, the warning must be sounded loudly and without hesitation: any move to return him to power would be a colossal mistake.
Jonathan is not the leader for this moment. He had six years at the helm and squandered them. If Nigerians are forced to choose between him, the so-called “second worst,” and Tinubu, the current disaster, then our nation is not just in trouble, it is on a collision course with the same failures that dragged us to this point. One failed leader is already too many; resurrecting another zombie would be nothing short of national suicide.
Ten clear reasons why Jonathan is unfit to lead and must never run again:
1. Questionable constitutional eligibility
Jonathan has already served as president for six years, completing nearly two years of Umaru Musa Yar’Adua’s term and then a full four-year term of his own. Under the 2018 constitutional amendment, which bars anyone who has been sworn in twice from running again for president or governor, his eligibility is, at best, legally dubious. While a federal high court judge ruled in his favor in 2022, that decision does not set a binding precedent.
Only the Supreme Court can decide the matter, and with Tinubu in control of the political machinery surrounding it, the probability that Jonathan would be disqualified is extremely high. Any such battle would trigger prolonged legal warfare, inflame regional tensions, and destabilize an already fragile nation.
2. Reckless circumvention of party democracy
Credible reports, confirmed by senior PDP figures and Jonathan’s own allies, indicate he is lobbying for a non-primaried nomination — bypassing the rigors of party primaries and installing himself as the PDP’s flagbearer through internal bargaining and backroom horse trading.
This is a brazen affront to party democracy and a direct insult to millions of Nigerians seeking genuine leadership renewal. If allowed to proceed, it would fracture the PDP’s coalition, destroy what remains of its credibility, and all but guarantee a crushing electoral defeat in 2027.
3. Lame-duck presidency from day one
Even if Jonathan were cleared to run and somehow won, he would be constitutionally limited to a single term. From his first day in office, he would be a lame-duck president with no long-term mandate, no political capital, and no leverage to confront vested interests. His presidency would serve as a placeholder for entrenched political cartels, preserving the status quo rather than disrupting it. As in his previous six years, he would only succeed in kicking the can down the road, with no real reform and no lasting change.
4. Epic corruption and looting under his watch
Jonathan’s administration was the epicenter of many of the crises now consuming our country. Billions vanished under his watch through oil theft, subsidy scams, and looted public funds.
The grand corruption tied to his former petroleum minister, Diezani Alison-Madueke, became a global symbol of Nigerian impunity. Under Jonathan’s direct supervision, Diezani, his political protégé, siphoned an estimated $2.5 billion into foreign offshore bank accounts and high-end real estate across London, the United States, and the Middle East, according to international investigators and court filings.
The $20 billion in unremitted oil funds exposed by then-CBN Governor Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, the fraudulent fuel subsidy scheme, and the $2.1 billion arms procurement scandal all occurred under his leadership.
These were not hidden crimes. The international community, particularly the United States, holds extensive records of them, from wire transfers and offshore accounts to high-profile prosecutions in the UK, Switzerland, and the U.S.
5. Failure to confront insecurity
Boko Haram’s insurgency exploded under Jonathan, culminating in the 2014 abduction of over 270 schoolgirls in Chibok — a tragedy he met with a slow, fragmented response that shattered public trust.
Kidnapping for ransom, once rare, became a profitable industry and began spreading beyond the Northeast during his tenure. The diversion of defense funds for political purposes left the military ill-equipped and demoralized, enabling insurgents to expand their operations.
6. Squandering of record oil revenues
Between 2011 and 2014, Nigeria earned roughly $244 billion from oil and gas, according to data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI). This was the largest windfall in the nation’s history, driven by high global oil prices and unprecedented production levels. Instead of using this historic opportunity to invest in infrastructure, diversify the economy, build foreign reserves, and strengthen public services, much of the revenue was wasted through corruption, mismanagement, and poorly conceived projects. The failure to translate this extraordinary income into lasting national development not only deepened Nigeria’s dependence on oil but also left the country ill-prepared for the economic shocks that followed when oil prices collapsed.
7. Kicking the can down the road
Jonathan did not confront the crises of corruption, insecurity, and poverty; he evaded them. By refusing to act decisively, he allowed these threats to grow unchecked until they became entrenched national disasters.
Our military’s lingering weaknesses, the crippling fiscal drain of the fuel subsidy Tinubu now claims to have removed, the relentless spread of rural banditry, and the deep poverty gripping millions today are not accidents of history. They are the direct and predictable consequences of Jonathan’s failure to lead when he had the chance.
8. The myth of a peaceful 2015 concession
Some have praised Jonathan for the peaceful transition of power in 2015, but political analysts have noted that his concession came under intense diplomatic pressure from the United States and the United Kingdom, both believed to have held damaging information that gave them significant leverage. From this perspective, his concession appears less an act of statesmanship and more a calculated response to overwhelming external pressure.
9. A return would secure Tinubu’s second term
Here is our nation’s worst political nightmare. A Jonathan candidacy would shatter opposition unity, drain its momentum, and hand Bola Ahmed Tinubu an open road to a second term. It would split votes, weaken alliances, and demoralize millions of Nigerians desperate for real change.
Voter turnout would collapse as Nigerians stay home, seeing no meaningful choice between Tinubu, Jonathan, and possibly Atiku. By the time the dust settled, the only winner would be the incumbent. No credible opposition party with any regard for Nigeria’s future should entertain, let alone endorse, such a catastrophic blunder.
10. No prospect for genuine reform
Jonathan is not the leader Nigeria needs now or at any point in the future. His return would not signal redemption, it would confirm regression. Bringing him back in 2027 would be a deliberate choice to reopen old wounds, entrench the very crises dragging our nation down, and slam the door on any realistic hope for genuine reform.
Our desperation to remove Tinubu must not blind us to the equally grave dangers Jonathan embodies. Moving from the frying pan to the fire is not progress, it is the untimely death of our nation, and it must be avoided at all costs.
Nigeria must move forward, not backward. Tinubu and Jonathan have both had their chance. Both failed. Neither must ever govern Nigeria again.
About the Author*
Nnaoke Ufere is a leading voice in African public thought and policy. He writes a weekly opinion column for the African Mind Journal, where his work shapes national conversations on leadership, governance, and reform. He is the author of *Covenant With Nigerians: Reversing Our Country’s Decline*. A Harvard alumnus and PhD holder in Strategic Management from Case Western Reserve University, Ufere is an influential author, public intellectual, and global development analyst whose insights on U.S.-Africa relations and institutional accountability continue to challenge the status quo and inspire change.
